Reflections on Jinnah – Part 4

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 4

Do comment and share.

‘One of the reasons that I am very fond of this movie is its ability to precisely describe the state of affairs in India under the Raj. The following scene depicts the years of the Great War (WWI), when the British recruited thousands of Indian soldiers to fight in Europe against the Axis powers.

Pertinent to note here is that the British had shifted all military recruitment from Bengal, Madras and Bombay to the Northern and Western regions of India (i.e. Punjab, Kashmir, Himachal, Baluchistan, NWF) after the 1857 War of Independence.

Despite countless services by Indians in the defense of Britain (e.g Khudadad Khan – Victoria Cross at the First Battle of Ypres – British equivalent to Nishan e Haider & Vir Chakra), the British would never allow Indians to join the Army as Officers.

Jinnah was one of the few Indian lawyers at the time who advocated equality for Indians who were laying down theirs lives for the Empire. Jinnah’s advocacy continued through out the period, as a member of the Indian National Congress Party.

The British responded by delaying matters until the war ended, and later in 1923 introduced the ‘Indianisation reforms’, which were supposed to create quotas for Indians applying as Officers to government services. This was of course just to be done on paper, as British officers and civil servants alike resented the idea of Indians being their superiors.

The Indianisation reforms did however initiate the process which was in 1938 to result in the formation of the Indian Military Academy (IMA) at Dehradun, and in 1948 as the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) at Kakul.

(Note: I believe this scene was shot in one of the halls of the King Edward Medical College, Lahore.)

Video Credits: Jamil Dehlavi & Akbar S. Ahmed

#Jinnah
#PakistanAt70′

Advertisements

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 3

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 3

Please do comment and share.

‘By 1946, the political landscape of India had changed quite dramatically. The Muslim League, which had only a decade earlier descended into obscurity after continuous internal rifts and political estrangement, had risen under the leadership of Jinnah to become the 2nd largest party of India. Jinnah had assumed its leadership after his return from a self-imposed political exile in England, and was determined to safeguard the rights of the Indian Muslims at all costs.

What, one might ask, had lead to Jinnah’s fierce conviction that Muslims in a United India would be reduced to 2nd class citizens? For starters, the Muslim representatives in the various political parties of India at the time were by no means popular leaders. They were too few and too powerless, in terms of both political acumen and vision, to claim to represent the 2nd largest religious community of India. The Muslims in the Congress were no different, overshadowed and silenced by their Hindu superiors.

Jinnah’s political ideology had always been opposed to communal differences (which was evident in his years of advocacy for Hindu Muslim unity), but due to the persistent projection of an ancient Hindu civilization that had been ravaged and destroyed by the ‘invaders’ and its convenient acceptance by Congress leaders, and also due to the symbolism that adorned all of the political initiatives undertaken by the Congress, Jinnah had come to conclude that the Muslims of India would sooner or later be forced to assimilate into the fold, being unable to resist against the massive majority group.

Secondly, when the Cabinet Mission was sent to India after the end of WWII to discuss transfer of power with a proposition of grouping together Muslim majority provinces in the East and West of India at par with the Hindu majority provinces and the remaining Princely States, Nehru cited a vicious disagreement with the idea of giving Muslim majority provinces an equal status of representation in the Central government.

Jinnah agreed initially, aware of the fact that the plan dismissed the creation of a separate Muslim state, but insisted on the ‘safeguards and assurances’ that were to be provided to the groupings in terms of Provincial Autonomy. This should be taken as proof of his commitment to securing the rights of Indian Muslims even in a United India after all that had transpired (e.g. 1937 Congress Ministries etc), and is enough to debunk the claims that he was a communally charged opportunist.

Realizing that the Muslim League had now come at par with the Congress, and that Jinnah’s claims of representing ALL the Muslims of India had been justified, the Congress rejected both proposals and did not draft any resolutions in their working committee regarding them. The Viceroy still invited Congress members to join the interim coalition government. Jinnah’s patience had run out by that time, and he had realized that the Congress would never accept the logical and just demands of the Muslim community. He subsequently rejected all plans for a coalition government or any type of system that denied an independent Muslim country.

After the League’s boycott, the Congress readily joined the interim government, all the while conveniently neglecting the demands of the second largest political party of India and the minority community that it represented.’

Video Credits: Jamil Dehlavi & Akbar S. Ahmed

#Jinnah
#PakistanAt70′

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 2

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 2

The second in the series on Jinnah. This is a fairly longer video clip. I decided to add a few subtitles in the video too, as some of the dialogue can be difficult to make out for an average viewer. Please do leave a comment and let me know your opinion on the video and the analysis.

‘The Mountbattens had arrived in India in February 1947, and were commissioned by the British Government to transfer power to Indians whilst extricating all British personnel from the country.

Lord Mountbatten, the New Viceroy of India, perceived Nehru to be a more liberal minded and enlightened leader, who would set the newly independent country on a course that wouldn’t collide with British interests and would play a positive role in global affairs. Nehru was Cambridge bred, belonged to a wealthy upper class Brahmin family and was revered in both political and religious circles.

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 1

Reflections on Jinnah – Part 1

Thought i’d find an excuse to restart this near desolate blog. This is part of a video series on the 1997 British-Pakistani film ‘Jinnah’, directed by Jamil Dehlavi and written by Akbar S. Ahmed. I shall be recording my thoughts on the videos as well, which would be based on solid historical evidence and will be grounded in academic research on the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

I’d also like to point out that this film is one of my all time favorites, not only because of the fact that it portrays accurately the great leader of my country and the historical events surrounding him, but also because of the brilliant performances by the actors in this film. The late Sir Christopher Lee considered this film to be his best performance, and lamented the fact that the western media would suppress his reviews because of it being a depiction of a Muslim leader. Richard Lintern’s depiction of a young Jinnah accurately showcased his brilliant acting skills.

Rishi Kapoor, who is currently on the payroll of the BJP and the RSS apparently, portrayed an Angel (presumably) designated to determine where to send Jinnah after his passing, brilliant nonetheless in his contribution. Indira Verma played the late wife of Jinnah, Ruttie and accurately captured her beauty and glamour. And lastly, Shireen Shah played the role of Jinnah’s sister, Fatima, who I believe was most convincing in the manner of her appearance and demeanor.

Would recommend everyone to watch this movie, which is by no means a fictional account of the Indian Independence Movement.

(Note: The above link is for the video clip i’ve mentioned in the post. The link somehow isnt getting embedded properly, but the video works just fine. Do click on the link and watch.)